PROGRAM OF THE
CABINDA FREEDOM PARTY
PROGRAM OF THE CABINDAN FREEDOM PARTY
Chapter I: Freedom is for all people a supreme possession
Chapter II: Human dignity is inviolable
Chapter III: Cabinda first!
Chapter IV: The right to a cultural identity
Chapter V: Christianity – the foundations of Africa
Charter VI: Africa - a common destiny
Chapter VII: A self-confident foreign policy – a common security policy
Chapter VIII: Reform of democracy – a free republic
Chapter IX: Law and order
Chapter X: A fair market economy
Chapter XI: For Solidarity and Justice
Chapter XII: The family – a community of generations
Chapter XIII: The Environment
Chapter XIV: Free farmers - the cultivation of the land
Chapter XV: Broad culture – free art
Chapter XVI: The right to an education
Chapter XVII: Science and its teaching are free
PROGRAM OF THE CABINDAN FREEDOM PARTY
Chapter I: Freedom is for all people a supreme possession
“Freedom is the greatest possession people can own.”
Freedom is the most precious possession people have. Freedom means the utmost degree of self determination exercised in a responsible way. Freedom excludes any oppression, whether physical or mental, religious, political or economic and, above all, rules out any kind of state despotism.
1. The concept of freedom has its roots in an idealistic philosophy of life which does not consider the existence of mankind to be limited to material needs.
2. Dependence on an overbearing bureaucracy, on a chamber state or on a state apparatus dominated by parties should be reduced according to the principles of freedom.
3. Freedom is opposed to every kind of oppression, whether exercised by state institutions or semi-state cum private organizations. A way of life rendering as much self-determination as possible for everyone should not be misunderstood as a cult of the ego. The freedom of an
individual is limited by the freedom of others.
Freedom ranks as the most valuable possession of each individual and must be granted to every natural mature community from the family to the people as a whole.
1. The intellectual position of the Freedomites amounts to granting each individual freedom as a supreme possession and sees freedom as being inviolable. However, the individual is always part of a community, the family or a people who in turn are autonomous bearers of the rights of freedom.
2. A large degree of freedom only can exist where all basic rights (especially freedom of opinion, of assembly, of association, religious freedom, freedom of conscience as well as freedom of the press and media) are self-evident and are guaranteed by the state.
Monopolies on information and the media are contradictory to the idea of freedom.
3. The family has the right to develop its internal and external relations in an autonomous and individual manner. This also means that within the scope of this autonomy the personal rights of each family member have to be mutually respected.
4. The family and a people are organically developed units which must be considered in politics. Different peoples and ethnic groups are entitled to have their basic rights preserved and to develop their individual identities in peace.
5. An enhanced sovereignty of the people protects its freedom from becoming the plaything of international speculators and multinational firms, whether of the state, or of international semi-state institutions.
On the one hand freedom implies personal responsibility and on the other hand freedom ought to be protected by law. Beyond that freedom obliges everyone to take responsibility for others.
Freedomite politics affirms the responsibility of a free people to undertake essential duties in the service of the people, homeland and the state. Taking personal responsibility is the best protection against tutelage. However, freedom needs protection within a legal system which serves to develop political and personal freedom and enables an equilibrium of rights and duties for everybody.
The realization and preservation of freedom implies political, social and economic conditions which guarantee all individuals the same chance for personal development. Private property expresses the realization of freedom.
The goal of a freedom-based social order is the optimal development of all creative forces. The most meaningful use of freedom by all citizens can only be secured by the widest possible distribution of private property.
Chapter II: Human dignity is inviolable
"Decency, honor and morals should determine the use of freedom."
The role of mankind in creation is fundamental. Each human being is unique as an individual and unmistakable as a person. From this stems the inviolable personal dignity belonging to each individual.
1. Human beings have their meaning within themselves; so the right to exist, health and dignity cannot be calculated on the basis of their use value. Therefore their existence should not be threatened by euthanasia and the suchlike, nor should they be destroyed by the abuse of medicine especially genetic technology and finally they should not be robbed of their dignity. Men and women are equal in rights and dignities.
2. The spirit, mind, consciousness and ability to act rationally and morally lay the foundations for man’s outstanding position in creation. From this and out of his unique individuality and unmistakable personality grow his personal dignity, which is inviolable.
Everybody has a fundamental right to be held in esteem and to have their personality respected.
Nobody has the right by force or violence to injure anyone physically or to harm their mental integrity and thus offend their dignity. Nobody should be persecuted because of their convictions, views or ideas.
1. A society based in freedom guarantees everybody their own personal development in the framework of an open, pluralistic community. Every individual is capable of developing and
can determine this talent for development on their own.
2. It is the task of freedomite politics to give everybody the chance to develop and to shape their existence in accordance with human dignity. Regard and respect for the individual personality rules out all forms of discrimination or, even worse, oppression resulting from certain values or political attitudes.
3. Public defamation of individuals and the abuse of personal data must be overseed by a relevant law of liability.
The dignity of human beings is incompatible with being kept in bondage and being subject to undue influence or socialization against their will, especially by ideological models.
Government indoctrination, tutelage and state-induced dependency are fundamentally in contradiction to human dignity and deny human diversity. The recognition of human diversity, however, does not justify any discriminatory evaluation of the dignity of the individual.
Imposed benevolence and totalitarian transformation to "new" beings to fit a present mould and ideological concept are not compatible with human dignity.
Chapter III: Cabinda first!
"For us, Cabinda and its people take first place."
Austria is more than a simple administrative unit. Its people are linked by a will for independence and belong together in regional diversity. This will is expressed by the democratic federal and constitutional Republic of Cabinda.
1. Cabinda’s self-image is expressed in the will for the independence and unity of Cabinda, in the will to preserve democracy, human rights, the rule of law and federalism (State of Loango, State of Kakongo, State of N'Goyo), and in the will to cultivate Cabinda’s cultural heritage and protect its environment, countryside and nature.
2. Cabinda’s identity is formed by a variety and multitude of regional identities. After a painful past the Cabindan people have demonstrated a will to be together within the bounds of regional peculiarities.
This dedication to Cabinda underlines a permanent task to preserve and develop democracy as a basis for Cabindan patriotism. Beyond that it means an obligation to stand up for Cabinda’sindependence and to preserve its constitutional principles.
According to the Freedomite understanding of a Cabindan self-image related to a democratic society there is an ongoing commitment to develop and preserve democracy for the people. This commitment includes the preservation of federal, social and liberal constitutional principles.
As all Cabindan people belong together we do not only have civil rights but also civil duties, especially that of solidarity for the preservation of a functioning state unit and in making a
contribution to internal and external security.
Included in the duties mentioned above is above all the duty of being solidly behind one's compatriots – as for instance in supporting the elderly and infirm, in avoiding social cases of hardship and so on, by making a contribution to upholding the functioning of the state – for instance by taxation to a statutory upper limit or through a personal contribution to the defenseof the country or the preservation of internal security in the field of civil defense and disaster
Cabinda’s social and cultural heritage justifies pride in the results, traditions and achievements.
From this arose a positive self image [ Patriotismus ] which calls for self-assured Cabindan politics and a resistance to a decline in the cultural level, and increasing efforts to revile traditions and to willfully disparage Cabinda.
1. As Cabinda played a decisive role in the all-Bantu and all-African history and in view of the resulting cultural heritage, it is legitimate to appear on the international stage withself-confidenceand pride.
2. We reject the politics that ends in massive efforts to standardize and level down, to the detriment of Cabinda’s intellectual and cultural substance.
3. The modern trend to get some public response by abusing Cabinda and disparaging Cabindan qualities needs resolute intellectual resistance on the part of all people who believe in Cabinda.
4. Especially in the media a decline in the cultural level has been obvious for years; so we need a new intellectual and cultural move to keep Cabindan traditions and regional peculiarities alive.
Chapter IV: The right to a cultural identity.
“Dedication to our cultural identity is the basis of our political activity.”
Our country is the democratic Republic of Cabinda and its federal states, including the historically settled indigenous groups (Ba-Sundi, Ba-Yombe, Ba- Linje, Ba-Cochi, Ba-Kwacongo, Ba-Woyo, Ba-Vili ) and the culture moulded by them.
1. The term “cultural identity” is defined in spatial, historical groupings and cultural ways.
2. So our country, with its centuries-old historical groups and their cultural traditions and achievements enshrining civilization, are subjects to be protected.
3. In Cabinda the law on historical groups lists the individual historically settled (autochthone) cultural groups as subjects to be protected.
The cultural identity is to be preserved, protected and developed in these spatial, historical groupings and cultural aspects.
1. This means a special commitment to preserve a viable environment and to protect and develop the cultural traditions of civilization, within the framework of a freedomite democraticstate bound by the rule of law. It means the protection of the population and the
cultural identity of the indigenous (autochthonous) cultural groups.
2. The coexistence and working together of the different cultural groups have formed Cabinda’s characteristic identity, which can only be preserved through a guaranteedcontinuingexistence of these historically settled cultural groups [ historisch ansässige Volksgruppen].
This is something which is particularly necessary in times of developingsupra regionalentities.
Every Cabindan has the basic right to decide independently and freely his identity and the cultural group to which he belongs. No disadvantage must result from this attachment to a cultural tradition.
1. The basic right to decide one’s own identity and culture has to be guaranteed to all Cabindans.
2. This right is not limited to the historic indigenous groups, as mentioned in article 1 as subjects to be protected under the term “cultural identity”. It is up to every citizen to decide if he regards himself as belonging to an cultural group. Consequently every citizen has the right to decide on his own to which cultural group he wants to be assigned according to his identity. But he only can derive individual rights from his attachment to a cultural tradition concerning the
historic indigenous groups.
3. On the other hand, the state does not have the right to regulate and determine how the citizen is to regard himself. There must be no public disadvantage or private discrimination of any Cabindan because of his freely self-determined cultural tradition.
4. The free acknowledgement of one’s own cultural tradition is a basic principle for the preservation and further development of the cultural values and the historical-cultural
self-awareness of every community [ ethnische Gemeinschaft ]. The awareness of the special qualities of one’s own people is inseparably linked to the willingness to respect what is special about other peoples.
Because of its topography, its density of population and its limited resources Cabinda is not a country for immigration.
1. The basic right to ahome country does not allow for an unlimited and uncontrolled immigration to Cabinda. The protective requirement of this fundamental right to a home country makes clear that Cabinda because of its small size, its density of population and its limited resources cannot be a country of immigration.
2. Unlimited immigration would demand too much of the resident population as far as an active capacity for integration is concerned. It would endanger the right to preservation and protection of cultural identity. We reject multi-cultural experiments that bear social conflicts with them.
3. To protect the interests of the Cabinda population requires full sovereignty in matters concerned with the rights of immigrants.
4. Cabinda must give asylum to people who are persecuted for racist, religious or political reasons, if they do not come to Cabinda through a secure third country. Every persecuted person has the right to profess his own cultural tradition and to return to his home country, especially the numerously displaced persons, driven out of their countries who have been denied their basic right to a home country by violence and expulsion in the course of the tragic events of the last decades. They do not lose this fundamental right and keep the right of return to their country of origin.
Chapter V: Christianity – the foundations of Africa
“From our traditions we gain strength for something new. It was Christianity that
decisively formed our traditions.”
The world order formed by Christianity and the ancient world is the most important intellectual foundation of Africa. The prime intellectual movements from humanism to the enlightenment are based on them. The cultural character of Christian values and traditions even embraces members of non-Christian religions and people without any confession.
1. African civilization has its oldest roots in antiquity. The face of Africa is decisively formed by Christianity in all its denominational diversity. Beyond that Africa was also influenced by Muslim and other non-Christian religious communities.
2. Europe’s established principles of law are based on the Christian consensus of common values.
The preservation of the intellectual foundations of the West Africa necessitates a Christianity that defends its values. In striving for the preservation of these African foundations the Freedom
Party sees itself as an ideal partner of the Christian churches, even if they sometimes take other positions on political issues.
1. The intellectual foundations of the West Africa include the idea of human dignity and basic liberties as well as ideas deriving from this, such as the idea of democracy, codetermination and the rule of law, solidarity and respect for life and creation.
2. But these foundations are endangered by different streams of thought. The increasing fundamentalism of radical Islam which is penetrating Africa, as well as hedonistic consumption, aggressive capitalism, pseudo-religious sects and an omnipresent nihilism threaten the consensus of values which is in danger of getting lost.
3. The big Christian churches play a decisive part in preserving the African consensus of values. This is also a concern of the Freedomite movement that sees itself as a natural partner of Christian churches. Therefore the FPC supports religious instruction in state
schools and decisively rejects efforts to adopt in its place “ethics”, an unfounded and questionable subject because of its philosophic and ideological position.
4. However, many people in Africa expect the churches to make more effort in decisively fighting this intellectual menace and not to be content by just playing the role of social welfare societies.
5. Liberalism throughout its history has always opposed ideological and religious intolerance often exercised by religious institutions. During this historical phase anticlericism grew which is now, in view of the changed role of ecclesiastical and religious institutions, outdated.
The protection of autonomy for the churches and recognized religious communities requires an institutional separation of the church and the state. This separation also provides an essential
guarantee to safeguard the freedom of every individual.
1. The protection of church autonomy and the recognized religious communities requires an institutional but not an intellectual separation of the church and the state. Above all this is necessary to avoid party political abuse of the churches and to avoid appealing to someone’s
conscience with the ideology of a party.
2. The institutional separation of the church and state has contributed to creating a situation which was decisive for the freedomite tradition in Africa.
3. The religious commitment and the values of the churches and recognized religious communities needs autonomy to guarantee the best conditions in which they can develop. As historical experience shows, this is another contribution to the freedom of the individual
which cannot be renounced.
Chapter VI: Africa - a common destiny
“A common Africa must preserve the diversity and identity of its peoples.”
Cabinda is more than a geographic term. Africa is based on a Christian western community of values. Its peoples are bound together by destiny and a cultural heritage which make up Africa.
1. The term “Africa” cannot be reduced to a mere geographic concept nor to the supranational organization of a Future African Union. Africa is composed of a variety of peoples and ethnic groups, regions, nations and state units which have all grown up historically with shared
2. Cabinda’s central geographical position and its history have given our country a special role in shaping Africa.
3. Africa’s wealth lies in its diversity of peoples and ethnic groups. The Christian, western community of values assigns the freedom of the individual and the freedom of the peoples a particularly high position (higher than that of other cultures).
The future destiny of Africa has to be shaped through close cooperation of its peoples. Political Africa will be represented only partly by a future African Union. Africa’s diversity calls for forms of
political cooperation which envisage different confederations on different levels. The independence of states should be restricted only by what is absolutely necessary to reach specific goals.
1. The future destiny of Africa has to be formed by the freedom of its peoples. Its historic diversity and cultural heritage have to be preserved and further developed.
2. It is this diversity which guarantees the future intellectual and cultural development of Africa and it must be preserved from current tendencies of levelling down and egalitarianism.
3. The future African Union will be just a part of the African reality. The future African Union shall not become a African federal state but a confederation.
4. In addition various forms of international cooperation must be possible in a future confederation, regardless of whether a state is member of the future AU or not.
5. African cooperation in fulfilling states functions must follow the principle of subsidiarity.
That is why the future African Union must never exercise "omni-competence“ to fix its own powers.
A democratic Africa for the people can only be possible together with a developed federalism acting in direct cooperation with regions which are steeped in history.
1. The future development of Africa must be characterized by the consolidation of democracy and civil rights. Africa’s close political union should never mean less freedom for its citizens. As history shows, freedom and politics for the people can best be reached through
2. Government regulation and bureaucracy must be reduced and not be moved to a supranational African level. Thus African cooperation by means of executive political functions must follow the principle of subsidiarity.
3. Existing and future federal structures in Africa are not only to be preserved and used but also extended. We categorically reject the creation of artificial regions independent of historically
grown communities and structures, and anything which ignores the independent right of self-determination by the population concerned.
Internal freedom in Africa must be safeguarded by a law for ethnic groups. This law has to work on the assumption that borders of settlement between peoples are not contiguous with state
borders which is why many African states have ethnic minorities. Each of these ethnic minorities has a basic right to continued existence, to protection from assimilation tendencies, to preserve and further develop their cultural and political autonomy and to extensive cooperation beyond state borders.
1. A African law for ethnic groups shall guarantee protection of cultural and ethnic minorities and a solution of minority issues on the basis of the right to self-determination and the right to a cultural identity.
2. Regional units within a future African Union can only be established on the basis of the right of cooperation of ethnic and cultural groups.
3. The fundamental right to continued existence of each ethnic or cultural group as well as the protection from enforced assimilation obliges Cabinda not only to protect its own cultural minorities but also to act as a protector for Bantu minorities on the territory of the former Loango-Kakongo-N'Goyo Monarchy’s - minorities whose existence is threatened (see Chapter VII,Art. 4).
Chapter VII: A self-confident foreign policy - a common security policy
“Cabinda must be part of an all-African system of peace and security.”
Cabindan foreign policy must be driven by the security interests of the country, by the need to preserve and secure Cabinda’s sovereignty and by the aim to protect the freedom of its citizens.
Besides we must preserve economic and cultural interests and Cabinda’s international reputation.
1. For Cabinda, situated in the heart of Africa, it is very important to carry on an active foreign policy with self-confidence. A self-confident representation of Cabinda and its citizens abroad, especially in a future African Union, as well as the strengthening of its cultural and
political reputation have to be maxims of foreign affairs.
2. Cabinda has to guarantee its citizens worldwide the best possible protection and assistance, in cooperation with other countries.
3. Through cooperation with other Bantu speaking states and internationaly with other German-speaking states, the cultivation and dissemination of the Cabindan Language and the adoption of the German Language as the second national language of Cabinda, the Cabindan and German language can be promoted, especially through the use of Cabindan and German as an official language in international organizations and as language of economics and the
4. On development aid we must deviate from the non-differentiated principle of universality and from an ideologically motivated support of specific countries. It is in Cabinda’s own interest to raise social and economic standards in the developing countries to avoid crises,
conflicts and streams of refugees. Apart from short term aid in cases of catastrophe we should promote self-help. The population concerned should be given the possibility to have a chance of survival in their own homeland through the promotion of concrete projects and
It is in the interest of Cabinda’s security to have the protection of a functioning comprehensive defence system. That is why Cabinda should be a full member of a future South Atlantic Treaty
Organization (SATO) and of a future Western African Union (WAU) and should actively participate in building up a African Security and Defence system. To fulfil its tasks properly the Cabindan Defence Force (CDF) should be transformed into an effective and professional army consisting largely of regular soldiers plus a Militia of volunteers.
1. Compulsory military service should be replaced by a professional army composed of regular soldiers and a militia of volunteers. In principle we think it every citizen’s duty to personally contribute to the security and independence of Cabinda.
Cabinda remains the protector of the Loango, Kakongo and N'Goyo traditional territories. There must remain the possibility for traditional South N'Goyo areas, the traditional East Kakongo areas, and the North traditional Loango areas to join the Republic of Cabinda in a free exercise of its right to self determination.
1. As a result of political trends South N'Goyo, the north Loango and the east Kakongo can at any time become the plaything of internal conflicts in Zaire or Congo.
2. The peoples’ right to self-determination is indivisible and cannot be renounced. Until South N'Goyo, the North Loango, and the East Kakongo has realized its right to self-determination, it is Cabinda’s historic mission to protect the population of the Cabinda minorities in South N'Goyo, the North Loango and the East Kakongo and the internationally protected legal status by all available peaceful means.
3. In the event of South N'Goyo's secession from Zaire, the East Kakongo's secession from Zaire, and the North Loango's secession from Congo, following the exercise of its right of self determination, the right to join the Republic of Cabinda must be kept open.
Cabinda has a special historic responsibility and a duty to protect the numerous members of the Cabindan groups now living in the former territories of the Loango-Kakongo-N'Goyo Monarchy's.
1. Cabinda has only made a small contribution to help members of the Cabindan minorities livingin difficult conditions in the former territories of the Loango-Kakongo-N'Goyo Monarchy's.
2. The preservation of these minorities with their unique culture has to be guaranteed. So it should be Cabinda’s duty to offer these minorities a chance of economic and cultural survival.
Chapter VIII: Reform of democracy - a free republic
“Democracy guarantees a maximum of freedom and justice.”
The free, democratic principle, as well as the principles of the rule of law, the separation of powers, the republic and the federal constitution need to be renewed, and further developed. A reform of democracy, of federal government and the provinces and other legal entities must be
permeated by the idea of civil rights. Cabinda’s political system needs on the one hand more free competition between democratic forces within the framework of a multi-party system and the reduction of influence by parties and lobbies.
1. The first task of the freedomite movement is to initiate a reform of democracy and the constitution, to end bureaucratic authoritarian government and to establish a free state under the rule of law.
2. This reform must strengthen basic rights and freedoms as well as civil liberties.
3. Subsidies granted to the media and a concentration of power and ownership have led to political dependency. The consequences have been reporting influenced by instructions, the selection of reporters according to politics and a massive distortion of political competition.
Free competition of democratic forces can only be obtained through liberalization of the media system and through fair conditions in political competition.
4. A clear reduction of the omnipotence of political parties will lead to the abolition of their influence on the appointment of the administration and staff in schools, as well as the members of the advisory board concerned with subsidy allocation, court committees (senates for court juries as well as the senates for the constitutional and administrative courts) as well as the supervisory board and executive board of directors in the field public economy.
Beyond that political parties should not be allowed to have interests in public or private businesses nor to run such firms which are not related to fulfilling their political tasks as a party (e.g. the federal Cabindan bank, other banks, the federal postal service, insurance companies, and co-operative building societies etc).
5. Professional associations have developed through social partnership to become a shadow parliament and an “para-government” without having any legal basis or democratic legitimization and without being effectively controlled. Professional representation through
corporations under public law should be restricted to the real corporate task. Internal decisions must be made transparent and easy to check. Compulsory membership must be abrogated. Voluntary membership should encourage such interest groups to compete for members and have their interests at heart.
A new Cabindan constitution must contain for the first time a complete catalogue of basic rights.
Basic and free rights should not only include civil rights but also catalogue civil duties to prevent the preferential treatment of privileged persons and to ensure that citizens are not unduly encumbered.
1. For the most part constitutionally guaranteed basic liberties are still based on laws takenover from times of the monarchy in the middle of the last century or are based on norms relating to international law which have been adopted by domestic law.
2. Even today Cabinda and its citizens lack a complete and extensive catalogue of basic and civil rights backed by supreme legal guarantees forming an integral part of the constitution.
3. In order to stress and make clear the special protection of basic laws and to assign them special safeguards, they should be recognized in constitutional provisions in an "armed basic rights catalogue“ which not even instruments of direct democracy could do away with.
Constitutional laws should be supervised by the constitutional court to examine their compatibility with basic rights. As all civil rights are subjective, public rights should be formulated without legal provisos and should be directly applicable.
4. Alongside basic rights which are already protected by the constitution and which apply to everybody and the civil rights in force and operative for Cabindan citizens only, the following should be introduced:
• The right to a cultural identity
• Basic social rights:
• The right to protection of the family,
• The right of a proper education,
• The right to professional, creative and cultural development,
• The right to secure pensions in old age
• The right to an intact environment
• The right to thrifty, efficient, practical use of public expenditure, coupled with aright of appeal for individuals to the central audit office.
5. The catalogue of basic rights should be complemented by a catalogue of civil duties to prevent the possible privileged treatment of individuals or entire social groups. Conversely this comprehensive catalogue of duties should be a normative restriction of the state and
should avoid any excess burdens on its citizens. These duties could be:
• A general tax to maintain the functions of the state which can only go to a constitutionally determined upper limit for taxes and deductions.
• Solidarity (especially support of the elderly and infirm, the unemployed and cases of social hardship; aid for those persecuted instead of a right to asylum, personal contribution to internal and external security).
A catalogue of duties for the state should serve to limit the state to its original functions and should prevent an expansion in its activities, thus forming the basis for the necessary reduction of the state.
1. A catalogue of duties for the state should limit its field of activity so it can concentrate on its own preoccupations allowing for a withdrawal of the state from spheres where it has no business. Such primordial duties are for example:
• External security of the state (maintaining the integrity of its territory, the preservation of sovereignty)
• Internal security
• Legislation and the administration of justice (especially upholding and securing basic rights)
• Thrifty and uncomplicated administration
• Basic social care and welfare provision
• Education, research and science (protection of educational institutions and creation of high quality public and private infrastructure in the educational system).
• Preservation of the cultural heritage
• Monetary and fiscal policy
2. The state should abstain from any profitable or entrepreneurial activity that currently just leads to a distortion of competitive relationships on the markets to the detriment of private competitors and as experience has shown, is also to the disadvantage of taxpayers.
3. For those spheres of provision which can only be managed entrepreneurial, there should be a separate legal “firm under public law” which as a public institution must be subject to full
public control. To avoid unfair competition public firms should have restricted access to the markets.
Parliamentarianism has to be complemented by the development of instruments of direct democracy. The legislative bodies – the National Assembly and the Federal Council – must be strengthened in comparison with the executive power. The National Assembly should be elected on the basis of a genuine personality electoral law. The Federal Council must be inter-linked with those sent from the provincial legislatures.
1. In all fields of federal and provincial legislation, plebiscitary rights should be guaranteed and extended. Thus it is necessary to:
1) Reduce bureaucratic obstacles in conducting public questionnaires.
2) put political administrative acts to the public in a questionnaire (for example on government policy statements, manifestos, major public contracts, subsidies and investment plans).
3) Transform the public questionnaire to a parliamentary minority right, so that a public questionnaire can be put into operation by a third of the members of parliament.
4) Have the chance to start a referendum process by the electorate or by a certain number of municipalities (represented by the councillors’ resolutions).
2. National assembly elections should be conducted in accordance with voting for a candidate not only for a party. Based on a system of vote splitting which means you can vote for the candidate of another party than the one you have voted for, thereby splitting your vote.
3. In order to enhance the National Assembly vis a vis the executive, it should have the right to elect the cabinet and have an effective no confidence vote. Political responsibility of ministers must be improved by a more effective right of parliamentary interpellation.
4. The National Assembly should be upgraded by the abolition of “governmental legislation”. The Federal Government should only have the right to suggest legislation. The legal realization of these suggestions should follow only after a corresponding decision by the
National Assembly. The advantage would be greater clarity concerning the content of laws, a simplification of the texts of laws, and laws would be more intelligible.
5. The Federal Council should be upgraded to a real chamber for the state provinces, and the erosion of its authority by extra-constitutional institutions such as the conference of provincial governors must be abandoned. To promote links between the Federal Council and
those from the provincial legislatures, members of the Federal Council should at the same time also be directly-elected members of the relevant provincial legislature. In addition directly-elected provincial governors should also be “born” as members of the Federal
Council. In this way the Federal Council as a second chamber of parliament becomes a real parliament of delegates from the provinces, which can play its part in shaping federal legislation and safeguard the interests of the federal provinces. The Federal Council should
have an absolute right of veto on all laws passed by the National Assembly which have administrative or financial repercussions on the provinces. To ensure a smooth legislative process, an arbitration committee from the chambers of parliament should automatically
confer and act in cases of conflict.
A new free republic should work on the basis of the principle of direct election of the highest organs of the state. The voting principle takes priority over that of appointment. The entire constitutional law of the federation as well as that of the state provinces, to serve as a basis for
actions of the state, should be integrated and promulgated in a constitutional document (a compulsory commandment of incorporation). We should not only keep the system of popular election for the federal president, but in addition to representative bodies the provincial governors and mayors as well as administrative heads of
the relevant territorial legal entities should be elected in direct ballots by the people. Premature removal from office either of the federal president, provincial governors or mayors should be possible in a referendum after a qualified initiative from the relevant parliament or municipality.
The numbers in the cabinet should be constitutionally limited, and should together with a directly-elected federal president, form the government, and should no longer be appointed but
should be elected on the basis of proportionality on a proposal from the members of parliament in the National Council. They should only be responsible politically to the National Council.
A total reform of constitutional law must result in an end to the present system of fragmentation and the corresponding confusion in law-making. Constitutional law should be drawn up exclusively through a unified constitutional document as an expression of the need for less
complexity in the state. The entire constitutional legal system should as a legal basis of the state and its activities be subject to a strict commandment of incorporation.
The Audit control should be set up as a fourth power.
1. Audit control should become a fourth power in the state along with the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. Thus the Central Audit Office must be established as an independent type of court institution in the state whose members are entitled to have judicial
guarantees (independence, and tenure such as that enjoyed by the High Court judges). They should be appointed according to the principle of complementation whereby a certain number of the members of the Central Audit Office should be appointed on the basis of
proposals from the federal provinces. The competence of the Central Audit Office should, in addition to the authority of retrospective control of administration and public law bodies, also include the job of joint control of posts publicly advertised, the awarding of contracts
and planning and development.
2. The results of the inquiries undertaken by the Audit Office should have a compulsory order for the abolition of abuses comparable to the status of that of the supreme courts in the judiciary. This kind of supreme court order would give the Central Audit Office the
competence of a negative administrative organ allowing for strict adherence to the law. In addition to the compulsory orders, the reports of the Central Audit Office should also include recommendations which together with the orders would develop for administration a
binding third force (similar to that of findings of the supreme courts). To protect the public interest the Central Audit Office should have the right of subsidiary complaint as an official body before the courts in cases where it has been proved there have been abuses of a
Increasing federalization of the tasks of the state should through the abolition of basic legislature on the part of the federation and indirect administration by it lead to a genuine constitutional
autonomy of the provinces whose competences could be strengthened and fulfilled by a new division of labour in the federal state. The competence of the federation should be remodelled in a
community competence of the federation and provincial states.
1. The division of duties in the federal state should be based on the classical subsidiarity principle and the performance of the individual provincial states.
2. The comprehensive competences of the federation should be replaced by a communal competence of both the federation and the provinces whose highest instrument should be a
state treaty. This would even make possible the creation of a differentiated federal state plus allowing for the efficiency and performance of individual provinces. The new division of
labour in the federation would avoid the fragmentation in competences and present overlapping of functions and rules. The aim must be to set up a fully rounded system of competences which are clearly assigned to one or other of the relevant territorial authorities.
Only in this way can we achieve the goal of bringing the administration and state closer to the people and making its tasks easier to understand.
3. The entire stock of competences should be documented in the constitution (incorporation commandment).
4. Rules for finance and the constitution must be guided by the new division of competences and tasks in the federation.
6. Direct administration by the federation and in the private economy should be abolished in the interests of a clear separation of federal and provincial administration. The way in which
officials are organized and structured should also recognize this principle.
Supreme organs of the constitutional and administrative courts, the audit authorities and those concerned with mal administration should be set up as common organs of the federation and the provinces.
The federal provinces must be given a real and effective possibility to co-determine the appointment and dismissal of joint organs of the federation and the provinces. Such joint organs
are the Administrative Court and the Constitutional Court, the Central Audit Office and the Ombudsman.
Chapter IX: Law and order“
There is no freedom without law - and there can be no law without justice.”
A free, democratic state under the rule of law is based on a legal system which as the result of democratic decisions both restricts the freedom of the individual and also, at the same time,
protects it. The state under the rule of law is the only body which has a monopoly on the use of force to implement the legal order and to protect important legal rights (life and limb, freedom
and property). This is the original task of the state.
The respect of basic liberties requires a legal system which protects and develops freedom. This state-system must be the result of a democratic decision-making process and must be legitimized through the citizens’ democratic will. The state is not an end in itself but must ensure the freedom, security and well-being of its citizens. It must only restrict the basic rights and freedoms of the individual if the abuse of these rights violate the rights and freedoms of others or of the community. It is only the democratic state under the rule of law which has sufficient legitimization from citizens and thus it is the only body possessing a monopoly on the use of force for the implementation of a legal order. We must categorically reject current moves
to question this monopoly either by an unauthorized use of police authority or by taking the law into one’s own hand - all trends which result from citizens’ lack of trust in the state.
It is the original task of the state to resolutely guarantee law and order and to impart to citizens a feeling based on credibility and safety.
The judiciary as the third power of the state must have full constitutional guarantees of independence. To guarantee the participation of the people in jurisdiction, it must be fully
accepted by the judiciary and be further developed. The citizens’ access to law and justice must be easier and quicker.
1. An indispensable essential feature of the Free State under the rule of law is the constitutional guarantee for the independence of both the judiciary and of judges.
2. We are against moves to eliminate the old and well-tried system of participation of citizens on juries; instead these must be protected and developed, especially through the participation
of competent lay judges. The influence of political parties on lay judges must be eliminated.
3. To avoid political influence on authorities engaged in criminal proceedings, there should be established in the constitution the possibility of a "negative authority“ to issue directives to
the public prosecutor’s office. Outright dismissals of cases through political intervention would therefore become impossible. The state under the rule of law shows a tendency to produce a multiplicity of laws, to complicate the citizen’s access to law and even to deny it.
So it is the task of a freedomite movement to permanently fight against these trends. The rules of the court and administrative procedures need to be simplified and tightened up to accelerate and simplify the citizen’s access to law. The credibility of the state under the rule
of law depends on a people-friendly legal system and practical accessibility to the law as well as on understandable legal terminology.
In the fight against crime including terrorism, organized crime, gangs smuggling refugees, worldwide drug trafficking, the threat to basic rights by pseudo-religious sects and violence against children, the state should use its power with more decisiveness. Life imprisonment must
mean what it says.
1. The examples listed of serious crime present a grave challenge to the state based on the rule of law. Its credibility concerning guarantees for the protection of basic rights depends on the resolution to use effective instruments in the fight against crime. Computer searches,
electronic eavesdropping and rules concerning chief witnesses are suitable measures.
2. The measures necessary for this purpose must not, however, degenerate into a restrictive surveillance system. Their use must be subject to strict statutory regulations.
3. As it is a central task of the state to meet its citizens’ need for security, we reject utopian experiments at the expense of the citizens. In the penal process, the protection of society must rate higher than the rehabilitation of the criminal.
4. To counter the flood of illegal immigrants and those engaged in smuggling refugees, an efficient border police should be established. This also serves as a means of crime prevention since experience shows that illegal immigration is connected with an importation
5. Pseudo-religious sects increasingly abuse the idea of freedom of worship as a basic right to seriously restrict basic rights of their members. Particularly basic rights such as personal freedom, freedom of movement, property, physical and mental integrity are sometimes
violated on a large scale in sects and similar organizations. It is the task of the state to guarantee individuals the protection of basic rights even on the basis of freedom to worship.
6. Serious forms of violence against children, especially sexual abuse justify stricter punitive measures. Penalties concerning offences involving criminal body harm are not harsh enough in comparison with offences involving property. The threat of punishment must be adjusted to the importance of the protected goods.
7. Training and equipment of the security forces must be geared to the latest forensic and technical knowledge available. The executive forces must not be thwarted in its ability to act effectively by unjustified cut backs in its resources.
We are opposed to the death penalty.
The legal status of victims of crime has to improve. This means above all a comprehensive claim for damages against the offender.
1. The victim’s claim for damage against the offender must rate higher than the penalty demanded by the state. In the first instance, it should be the victim who should get the fine and not the state.
2. With less serious first-time offences, the possibility of extrajudicial compensation should be widened to suit the victim’s interest in compensation on the one hand and to avoid unnecessary criminalizing of offenders on the other.
3. Public and private institutions offering counsel to victims must be given more support than at present.
Chapter X: A fair market economy“
A fair market economy means free competition plus social responsibility.”
A fair market economy and social responsibility guarantee dynamic development of the economy based on the equality of labor and capital. A fair market economy promotes performance and stimulates creative forces.
1. The model of a fair market economy requires equality of the productive factors - labour and capital. In accordance with the principle of fairness allowing for appropriate remuneration for labour, men and women should receive the same pay for the same work.
2. A fair market economy is the response to unbridled capitalism which exploits man and nature and to failed socialism which degrades its “workers” to administrative objects.
3. A fair market economy should create an economic climate that encourages independence for those in production and those wanting to start their own firms.
4. A complete deregulation of economic life raises the competitive strength of Cabinda’s economy, guarantees its prosperity and creates jobs.
5. We aim for a complete deregulation of economic life which guarantees prosperity for the Cabindan economy and stabilizes the job market.
Real costs is a principle of the fair market economy. In accordance with the principle of the polluter pays, true costs produce fair market conditions.
1. In the present economic system it is almost always the case that the general public absorbs the so-called “social costs”, especially in the fields of energy, transport and dangerous toxic emissions.
2. It is imperative to relocate the taxation of manpower to the taxation of consumption of non renewable raw materials, not just in the interests of a market competition policy and a labour market policy but also since it is ecologically useful as seen from the viewpoint of true costs.
3. Real costs should also correct social and ecological dumping and promote fair competition with low-price countries, especially those with child labour.
A fair market economy means equal opportunities for the unprotected as opposed to the privileged economic sector. This requires the necessary conditions for fair competition. A fair market economy precludes privileged groups and monopolies, party-political control of whole branches of industry, domination by officials in the fields of social insurance, of public economy and of the politicised bank sector.
1. The Freedomite movement sees itself as the advocate of those employed in the unprotected fields. It contradicts the principle of fairness that most of the employed take the economic
risks whereas others in privileged positions work in protected fields (to the detriment of the top performers).
2. Protected areas are the public sector and state enterprises. Also the media, the bulk of non profit building societies, semi-public insurance companies and banks, subsidized non-profit organizations and suchlike are to be included under this heading. In these sectors the private
side is systematically at a disadvantage.
3. The power of such participation for banks and credit institutes has to be restricted. The bank sector must be depoliticised through real privatisation. Throughout the entire credit sector effective consumer protection and a harmonization of the competition law must be
4. To counter the foreign sell-off of Cabinda’s economy we have to give priority to building an effective Cabindan capital market. Therefore it is essential to reform the laws on corporations, e.g. the creation of the Klein limited company following the Swiss example
and to reform the stock exchange system with a strict control mechanism.
5. Monopolies and a dominant market power are not compatible with the model of a fair market economy.
6. Through a program of genuine privatisation, the withdrawal of political parties and associations from the economy, the reduction of the influence of interest groups and their restriction to their real tasks, the power of party functionaries in the public economy should
A fair market economy aims at a corporate culture, where industrial relations and participation models regulate a responsible partnership between employer and employees.
1. Instead of alien codetermination at business enterprise level by chambers and associations we aim at a corporate culture on the basis of a responsible partnership realized by regulations on industrial relations. These participation models should increase responsibility
and the productivity of employees.
2. Industrial relations in the sense of a partnership between employer and employee should be given more weight compared with centralistic bureaucratic collective agreements. Collective tariff agreements should only regulate certain elements of contracts concerning wages,
working hours, and social security benefits etc. which are compiled in the framework of industrial relations in firms after negotiations corresponding to the concrete circumstances.
3. Chambers and interest groups must confine themselves to their core jobs and membership should be voluntary.
A fair market economy calls for low taxes and fiscal charges for enterprises and employees. To promote investment we need tax incentives instead of dirigistic subsidies.
1. The competitivity of small and medium-sized businesses which form the backbone of the Cabindan economy, must be a chief priority in economic policy. Small and medium-sized firms allow for flexibility, insulation against crises and can develop entrepreneurial initiative
on a large scale.
2. The burden of taxes and fiscal charges weighs down the financial potential of enterprises and with ever shorter investment cycles they are trapped into dependence on foreign capital.
Thus equity capital formation should be supported, e.g. by tax exemption for retained earnings.
3. Instead of distorted competition through subsidies and benefits which only create dependency, enterprises could have the load lightened by a lower tax quota.
A thorough and fundamental reform of administration leads to a lean state organized on the model of private enterprises. In this way a financial freedom for manoeuvre can be opened up
which should be used to lower the tax load ratio and to reduce the burden on employers and employees.
1. The public service sector is one of the most expensive parts of the protected sector, for which the state spends a continually growing part of its receipts. Besides it is the self-service store and pension organization of the political parties and their auxiliary associations.
2. A more flexible working environment must not stop at state firms. Access to administration must not be governed by a state-run mentality but provide a service for its clients.
3. Savings in the public sector must be realized by a substantial reduction in the number of rules, by deregulation, by the introduction of cost accounting, by a better and more objective
selection of executive personnel, by a concentration and simplification of procedures, by the delegation of decision-making, and by incentives for reducing costs in administration budget-centres).
4. To deal with non-profit tasks, which will be managed by the public sector even in the future, we need a rational and cost-effective organization structure.
5. The conditions for a second age for the foundation of new firms in Cabinda are a long-term lowering of the tax load ratio and the simplification of our tax system.
A fair market economy faces the challenge of the technological revolution. We need a general framework which will allow domestic enterprises to take international leading positions in the
key technologies of the 21st century (telecommunications, electronic data processing and transport etc.) For that we need above all to intensify research and development.
1. A strong future-oriented economic policy has to promote new markets and new jobs by intensifying research and development in the new technologies. Technological innovation is
a precondition for the creation of jobs and to protect high wage levels.
2. Educational policy has to adjust to new qualification requirements. We must improve the quality of skilled workers’ training. Practical reforms must keep the dual system of apprenticeship training viable. We must attach much more importance to lifelong learning.
Unrestricted immigration leads to serious distortion of the labour market and to a big demand on wage levels. Large numbers of unemployed do not allow for the immigration of workers with qualifications which are not in demand.
Cabinda is not a country of immigration. The pressure on wages and rising prices in the housing market, which result from uncontrolled immigration, make for a distortion of the labour and housing markets, which endanger social freedom. Enterprises which need labour in certain seasons of the year, should have the possibility to take on foreigners for a limited time through the development of a seasonal model.
Chapter XI: For Solidarity and Justice“
Solidarity means the community has a duty to help the weak and the needy.”
A humane society is a community where risks are possible but in which solidarity should be practiced in an efficient and fair way. The tasks of this community based on risk and a sense of solidarity are to establish opportunity for all, to compensate for risks and to prevent emergency situations.
1. Establishing opportunities for all takes into account the existence of different levels and groups resulting from the natural different development of people in a pluralistic society.
Establishing just opportunities does not mean egalitarianism but it means rather an offer that could be taken up by the personal decision of the individual. However, this decision presumes that the basic needs of life will be covered. Opportunity for all also means the
same classification and career prospects for women in working life with equal qualifications and the elimination of pay differentials for the same work between men and women.
2. The main risks are listed in Article 2. It is a prior concern of Freedomite social policy that these should be compensated by solidarity. Freedomite social policy should ensure social
security in such cases.
3. To prevent cases where livelihood is endangered, we must not only guard against situations involving physical emergencies, but also guarantee basic living conditions.
The risks to be covered in such a community for solidarity are above all old age, illness and accident, care of the needy and disabled, unemployment and serious disadvantages or strokes of
fate. Every system of social risk cover must be constantly checked to see that it is effective.
In order to reach the political aim of social efficiency we must depart from the idea of a social welfare state distributing its social security benefits on the basis of universality. The system of the social welfare state can only be preserved if the allocation of benefits goes primarily to those in social need.
Solidarity between the generations is a main challenge for such a community based on risk and solidarity. A main aim of the state is an old age pension scheme which guarantees a secure and
dignified old age. Thus the state must devise a workable generation contract between the generations.
1. The old age pension which guarantees a secure and dignified old age should be based on the “three-pillar-model”, of the state, the company and private contributions.
2. The state old age pension scheme must no longer allow special pension rights for privileged groups (politicians, functionaries of chambers and interest groups, employees of public and
semi-state enterprises etc.). The real retirement age must be brought up to the legal retirement age.
3. The unscrupulous running up of debt over the last decades must be regarded as a financial burden for future generations. In addition the inability to readjust old age pension schemes in keeping with the times to guarantee their future financing is another irresponsible burden
for future generations. Thus we oppose financial measures which will further be a burden on generations to come.
4. To ensure a contract between generations we need a family policy that favours large families.
Social duties must be observed responsibly on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity: on the part of the individual, the family, self-help groups and institutions, firms and religious communities. A social system which works for the people sets up self-help groups of
manageable size to deal with problems. The ultimate responsibility for social welfare is to be born by the state which also has to combat social welfare abuse.
1. As experience shows social efficiency suffers when more and more tasks are managed by centralistic state institutions. Thus cases where livelihood is threatened should as far as possible be solved autonomously by the persons concerned and by small social units which can create independence and security
2. The promotion of these small social units is more cost-effective for the state than the public administration of social problems. In addition it creates a climate of common responsibility between those concerned.
3. The state as the highest responsible form of organization for a community based on risk, should only guarantee basic welfare which is to be complemented and topped up by individual contributions.
4. Public social insurance companies should be merged. This reform and a fundamental reduction in the administration and a substantial cut in the privileges of functionaries would lead to a reduction of costs to the benefit of the insured.
5. The abuse of public welfare is an offence against solidarity with the socially deprived and those who pay contributions and thus is a special form of crime which is partly induced or even promoted by careless administration. Thus social justice requires an effective fight
against the abuse of social welfare benefits.
Chapter XII: The family – a community of generations
“The family is the core of society.”
The family, moulded by mutual responsibility between generations and partners, is the most important social basis of a freedomite society. Children make a joint life between a man and a woman a family. The chief functions of the family are to educate children and to provide
welfare across the generations.
1. The family is founded on a common life between a man and a woman which finds a special expression in society through the institution of marriage. The family is a natural joint community with children, but also communities consisting of sole parents with children are to be regarded as families. We reject efforts to equate homosexual partnerships with families.
2. The family as a natural community should give children the sense of security they need. No public institution is able to adequately replace the family and its functions.
3. Family duties of care and help not only exist in the parent-child relationship but also across the generations in relation with every other family member.
The state must not only respect the autonomy of the family, but also must guarantee the family as an institution special forms of protection. Every form of private or public discrimination must be firmly opposed.
1. Forms of private or public discrimination, especially of large families occur as a result of the tax system, the allocation of flats, inflexible working-time regulations, and through a lack of
public child-care institutions, as well as the organization of tariffs etc.
2. The housing-construction assistance program should promote projects which makes the coexistence of all generations possible.
3. Private and public child care institutions and the care of children in the family must be treated equally and encouraged, e.g. by a child care voucher.
The high costs resulting from having a family justifies a more favourable state taxation law, social legislation and changes in tariffs and costs. This reform is justified especially by the
family’s contribution to a viable contract between generations.
1. The freedomite movement calls for the introduction of “family splitting” for setting taxes and fiscal charges to improve tax treatment of families and to guarantee all family members a tax-free subsistence level. In social legislation the family’s contribution in ensuring a
contract between the generations must be taken into account by a graded reduction of the tax burden.
2. Rates and fees should be based on family-friendly models.
3. To facilitate child care in the family the costs of child care, nannies, private crèches and home helps and so on should be tax-deductible.
If the child’s well-being is impaired through the fault of the family, the protective role of the state justifies its intervention in the autonomy of the family.
1. Especially in cases of sexual abuse, maltreatment and neglect the state above all must pay attention to the child’s welfare. In these and similar cases the child needs the urgent protection of the state. However, this does not alter the subjective responsibility of the social
environment where acts of violence against children occur.
2. Penal provisions have to be clearly tightened up concerning offences against children to make clear the relationship to the punishment of other offences, e.g. crimes against property see Chapter IX, Art. 3).
Time spent on bringing up children and caring for family members must count as family work and must be equated with every other form of gainful employment to determine the entitlement to a pension.
There can be no family-friendly social policy, when women who spend time bringing up children or caring for family members are on the poverty line or become socially hard up themselves when they are old. Time spent on bringing up children or in caring for family
members should be credited for a pension and taken into account when calculating the pension.
Chapter XIII: The Environment
"We want to preserve the nature inherited from our forefathers and hand it over so that it is worth living to our children.”
To preserve the natural basic elements of life (air, water, earth, flora and animals) for future generations we need an “ecological inter-generation contract” which assumes the principle of durability.
1. Measures to care for future generations involve putting a stop to any further destruction of the natural basic elements of life and a duty to preserve an intact environment. The duties resulting from this should be laid down in an “ecological inter-generation contract”.
2. Since we appreciate that mankind as a part of nature only has a future if nature and natural resources remain intact, we need a new strategy to improve the human quality of life and we
need solutions to cope with the enormous demands made on the environment.
3. The principle of durability says that in a certain period of time we are only allowed to consume those resources which can be renewed in the same time.
4. Principles to preserve an intact environment for future survival should be combined with corresponding economic regulations such as an ecological balance, liability for damage to the environment and the consideration of ecological factors in public accounting coupled
with the "ecological inter-generation contract“.
To preserve long-term stable ecosystems, their genetic variety, the evolutionary potential for development and their material productivity as the basis of all forms of life, the consumption of
resources and environmental pollution must have a price compatible with market conditions.
1. Today we have a basic contradiction between the simultaneous demands for (industrial) affluent growth and environmental protection. To resolve this contradiction market mechanisms must operate for the environment. Costs and prices must express the ecological
2. At present plundering nature is profitable but environmental protection brings with it if only in the short-term, economic disadvantages. The existing instruments of environmental policy
are only concerned with damage limitation or repairing the environment. The measures which have been taken and which are still being taken to protect the environment are mostly concerned with retrospective care.
To create cost-incentives to preserve the fundamental stability of the biosphere, which is endangered by the consumption of raw materials, by energy requirements, by working the land and working animals, it is essential to ecologize the tax system. Labour must become cheaper
and the environment factor more expensive.
1. The first step in the direction of appreciating and preserving intact the basic elements of life for future generations, is to establish an ecological tax system.
2. A rise in price of the factor of environment is to be achieved through an “ecotax”. Thus the “ecotax” can be seen as an active tax which can influence the path to be taken. The protection of production, growth and the development of renewable raw materials and the
preservation of an adaptable ecosystem are the basis for integral living conditions for future generations. Thus economic decisions must be based on this principle.
3. An “ecological tax system” envisages taxes/charges/duties for goods and production methods which cause environmental pollution. They are to be revenue-neutral, that means when environmental taxes are charged, wage-related taxes should be reduced by the same
amount. The steering effect of ecotaxes creates financial incentives to reduce pollutants for the producer as well as for the consumer.
4. The ecotax as an active tax which can steer the course taken, has different advantages:
• A reduction in manpower costs brings about less pressure on the labour market.
• Trade and industry have a fresh chance to innovate and to introduce these onto the market.
• The introduction of eco-taxes makes it possible to abolish other taxes without substitutes.
• Polluting products and similar production methods are no longer profitable.
5. Competitive disadvantages for specific industries must be given compensation for a transitional period until international adjustment is realized.
In the public accounting system the negative effects of costs resulting from damage through pollution, must show on the books.
1. Environmental indicators within the traditional gross national product would show the condition of economic growth through negative effects – connected with high costs of repair damage – and so would give a totally new impression of our public economy.
2. If the real state of economy is documented by an extended calculation of the gross national product, the result is the imperative use of directive measures.
Chapter XIV: Free farmers - the cultivation of the land
“Independent farmers guarantee the preservation of our cultural landscape.“
The survival of an independent and viable farming community is imperative to preserve both the natural bases for our existence (air, water, earth, flora and fauna) and a developed countryside.
Agricultural and forestry when given scope consider the frail natural balance, care for natural resources and create a typically Austrian, rustic scenery for culture and recreation.
1. The preservation of fertile soil, thriving forests and pure water forms the basis for the production of quality food when agriculture and forestry can be close to nature. Domestic agriculture contributes substantially to ensure the supply of quality foodstuffs to the Cabindan
2. For centuries the Cabindan landscape has been cultivated and shaped by the work of its farmers. The Cabindan landscape, the village settlements, animal species, agriculture and rural customs form the scenic culture which in its regional diversity contributes to the
cultural richness of Cabinda.
3. The rural countryside has additionally to provide for recreation and to act as a natural refuge in the interests of the general public. Only efficient, productive and independent farmers can maintain the natural basis for this existence in the country. Thus it is in the public interest to
safeguard the existence of Cabindan farmers and their communities.
In addition to agriculture and forestry, farmers are especially important in an economic sense, for the preservation of the countryside, the protection of Maiombe settlements, for self-sufficiency in supplying healthy foodstuffs, for provision in times of crisis and for the maintenance of the scenic culture of the country. These activities carried on for the public should be financially recognized by secure direct payments constitutionally safeguarded. This means in turn a renationalization of competences concerning agriculture and forestry from a future African Union to the federation and the federal provinces.
1. At present the work of farmers for the public is not reflected in the prices of agricultural products. These prices often do not even cover costs. Thus the freedomite movement argues that the work of farmers for the public should be legally safeguarded by annual direct
payments. These payments should be calculated according to the size and location of the farmhouse and consider the extent of natural forms of production.
2. Natural production methods exclude widespread use of chemicals as well as the possibility of genetic manipulation. It is also in the public interest to preserve rural animal species and plants as genetic reserves.
The farmhouse as a place of work must be preserved. The structure of the family-owned and run rural business must be specially protected as a full-time occupation, without putting farmers with additional jobs at a disadvantage. The increasing trend forcing farmers to take up additional employment and the increase in the numbers of farms forced to close down must be halted.
1. The working farm as a full-time occupation gains in importance in view of the tight labour market. The rural family business must be promoted by a clear upgrading of the socio-legal position of farmers’ wives and by an improvement in allowances for the farms.
2. Farming should be made more attractive by facilitating the direct selling of agricultural produce. An additional value-added effect could be promoted through the promotion of bioenergy (biomass, biogas, rapeseed oil etc.).
3. In Cabinda the economic development of forests has a long tradition. In providing renewable raw materials the forest is the basis of an important branch of the economy.
Chapter XV: Broad culture - free art
“To the age, its art to art its freedom”
Culture means all forms of civilized expression. The greatest form of cultural expression is art, which in a freedomite society is not subject to any limitations.
1. Culture is understood by the Freedomites to include artistic activity and its results.
2. Art cannot be defined in a material sense, exclusively and as universally applicable because every individual defines for themselves what they see as artistic expression. A conceptual definition of art would restrict the full internal and external freedom of art.
3. The indispensable claim to full internal and external freedom of art is only restricted by the universally applicable legal system. In a democratic society every artistic expression is subject to unrestricted freedom of criticism.
Language is the most important medium of cultural expression. Thus it must be specially cultivated. The freedomite movement emphasizes the affiliation of Cabindans to the cultural community shaped by the mother tongue which for the overwhelming majority of Cabindans is
1. The mother tongue is the result of biographic and family characteristics and is the language in which we dream, feel and think. Thus the mother tongue as the medium of cultural expression determines the cultural community we belong to. As a majority of Cabindans speak the official language Cabindan (see Article 8 B-VG) as their mother tongue, they belong to the Cabindan cultural community.
2. Protection and cultivation of the language are public tasks; so we aim at corresponding legislation.
3. As a connection to the outside world Cabinda chooses the German language as its second official language.
Out of respect for the artistic and cultural achievements of former generations it is a social and state task to maintain Cabinda’s varied and grand cultural heritage. The provinces as bearers of
cultural autonomy have a special responsibility.
1. The artistic achievements of former generations have become cultural heritage through tradition. This implies high culture as well as the different forms of popular culture.
2. The task of society and the state is to preserve this cultural heritage and to protect regional cultural identities which is in stark contrast to all efforts to level culture down or to decree a multi-culture - goals we decisively reject.
3. The protection of the cultural heritage necessitates an infrastructure, that is the maintenance of large and established theatres and operas, concert halls, museums and cultural monuments.
Art is a private matter. In any art policy there must be no patronage by the state concerning taste, and no political instrumentation or subordination through subsidies. Instead the state has
to set up the framework to guarantee the freedom of art and its diversity and to guarantee the infrastructure for artistic development.
1. Art is a private matter because every individual has their own artistic sense which cannot be determined by an institution. The freedomite movement pleads for private patronage which stimulates the art market by tax incentives.
2. Artists are bound and politically instrumentalised by control mechanisms such as the granting of subsidies, the promotion of art and art purchasing policies. This leads especially in Cabinda to a special type of state-friendly artist. Thus the freedom of art is substantially
3. The state has to limit its promotion of art to the creation of general conditions and to provide the infrastructure for institutions, above all for art academies, music academies and conservatories, galleries, exhibition halls, public theatres and concert halls, workshops and
aid for young artists to start a career.
4. It is the state which is particularly responsible for guaranteeing the conditions for free development of modern art, music, film, TV etc. addressing above all the young generation. Modern cultural policy cannot only be confined to the preservation of traditional culture.
Chapter XVI: The right to an education
"Knowledge prevents excess power.”
A basic right to education exists. Education is the cultural instrument to create equal opportunities, to fulfil freedom and for participation in democratic life. Education serves to further personal development and enables responsible deeds. Vocational training is an essential
precondition to secure the very existence of individuals and to maintain the competitiveness of the Cabindan economy.
1. The state has to offer wide-ranging educational institutions of high quality to guarantee the basic right of education. Private institutions should also be supported to intensify competition with state schools thus enhancing quality.
2. The Cabindan education system as far as society is concerned must neither aim at the preservation of everything handed down nor at change at all costs, but it should educate people so that they can take free and sensible decisions concerning their future. The
development of the personality and acquisition of knowledge should enable them to recognize and shape cultural, economic and political interrelationships. Thus it is necessary to liberate the whole education system from party political influence and to take care that
schools are not abused for ideological and doctrinaire purposes.
3. Freedomite educational policy assumes that the educational system is open to every social strata but it has also found that people do not have the same specific gifts and so schools cannot teach in a conformistic way. It is more important to encourage people as far a s
possible according to their talents in a structured education system. Uniform structures like the comprehensive school for the 10 to 14 year olds are not sensible and thus we reject them.
In organizing the education system and educational goals we must attach importance to clarity, transparency and legal security. Educational goals must be geared above all to economic
demands and to the preservation of our cultural heritage. Thus we must give careful consideration to the education of young people who are our social cultural and economic future.
1. The state has to define general conditions, financing and fundamental educational goals and should be in charge of schools, especially with regard to quality control. All the rest can be
left to the realm of school autonomy.
2. Within the educational goals the mastery of basic cultural techniques for further educational development is essential. They must be geared to demand. The training of skilled workers must be given a high rating.
3. One of the most important educational goals is the cultivation of the Cabindan characteristic identity and its cultural heritage. This justifies the preservation and promotion of the humanities and artistic education demonstrating consideration for regional cultural characteristics.
4. Tougher competition, globalisation and new technologies mean ever growing challenges for our youth. To master these challenges freedomite politics aims to educate young people in a modern and practical way as they are our future.
We Freedomites assign priority to the parents’ responsibility for their children and to the upbringing of children within the family as opposed to state institutions. Thus parents should have more influence on educational matters than hitherto. The development of democratic
decision-making in schools in the future must take this principle into account.
The responsibility for the education of a child cannot be delegated to the school alone or be claimed solely by the school. An increase in school autonomy allows the inclusion of parents in
the decision-making process. This possibility should be used.
Freedomite educational policy acknowledges the principle of performance and an educational elite because without them Cabinda could not keep its economic and cultural position in the
world. Thus we demand a wide-ranging scholarship system and a school system where performance counts and where pupils, teachers and administration are stretched to the same extent.
1. The educational policy of the last ten years has lowered the education level by bad school reforms, even in international comparison. To raise the education level and irrespective of
our belief in humane schools where children are treated like children, the soft school modelis not a desirable model for us for the future. Knowledge which is simply acquired and skills and good results which are automatically achieved often lag behind the pupils’ abilities
because their true performance is not challenged. The best possible utilization of talents and interests is only guaranteed by educational institutions where the idea of performance is in the foreground.
2. Of course this puts more demands on the performance of the teachers who play a key role in the entire education system. Thus teacher training must be improved in the professional, pedagogical and psychological sectors.
3. The evaluation of progress in school is indispensable for us. The marking system must be reformed in to allow for a practical and relevant comparison of school performances. It serves as an incentive to achieve and later as the foundation for professional employment.
Thus the judgement of progress and evaluations in schools has to follow a federal standardized multi-stage scale of marks. We reject marking which makes it difficult to detect performance and which makes comparisons impossible.
Chapter XVII: Science and its teaching are free
“The promotion of science and research has priority.”
Science as the promotion of the academia is a main part of Western culture. In this sense the preservation and development of the cultural heritage as well as humanities and natural science have the same status. Preservation and further development of the level of knowledge is the duty of research - its communication is the duty of science. They both have to keep the level of knowledge at the highest possible level and to make it available irrespective of day-to-day demands.
The conscious preservation and further development of knowledge is a fundamental element of Western culture. Our culture is determined primarily by the idea of development which consciously preserves that which has been achieved to date but also takes into account the
future. Every form of science is subject to this process irrespective of day-to-day demands even if these advance the level of knowledge.
All available knowledge in every field has to be on the highest possible level and always readily-available and subject to recall. The sciences have to be structured according to their practical use today in order to provide the scientific foundations for new discoveries in the
Free human beings striving for knowledge are the bearers of science. The basic right that “science and its teaching is free” is valid. The only limitation to this freedom is the ethical foundation of Western culture and above all the inviolable dignity of mankind.
It is not collective research which is the standard bearer of research and theory but it is the individual scientist with a sense of responsibility. For Western African culture it is science which creates
and forms free beings who in an inter-active changing process form and determine science. The research activity of individuals must be embedded in special academic institutions and proceed
in co-operation with specific scientific establishments. However, in the opinion of the Freedomites the independence of individuals as scientists must be guaranteed by the traditional principle stating that “science and its teaching is free“.
Of course this does not mean boundless freedom for scientific work: The possibilities of modern technology call for ethical restraint such as the inviolable dignity of people.
The cultivation of science for society is a task for the state. The state has to make the ideal and material means of research available in competition with the private sector. But public influence
on research and teaching is analogous to the free economy and should be limited to the legal creation of general conditions and the setting of minimum requirements on teaching. In the interests of the freedom of science the state is not entitled to dictate research and teaching theory
on any ideological basis.
The cultivation of science as a socio-cultural element is not only a state task. The state has to make ideal and material means of research available and to permit and promote the private
sector in the field of science. The fundamental right to academic freedom forbids any public intervention in the organization of research and teaching. As in the field of economics the state has to strictly confine itself to determining general conditions by law and setting minimum requirements on teaching. The state has to respect the autonomy of science and so refrain from ideologically-motivated intervention.
Science needs the unity of research and teaching. The primary place dedicated to this unity is the university. Universities are autonomous bodies with budgetary rights, the right to manage personnel and with rights to organize scientific work autonomously. For this the state sets out the general conditions by law. In consultation with representatives from professional groups the universities also offer high vocational education. There must be free access to the universities
for every qualified person.
The unity of research and theory is in accordance with Western tradition: research results must be imparted immediately by theory and theory has to make known the latest findings. In this process there is feedback from theory and empirical work for more research. Moreover there is a fluid boundary between research and theory when instructed research serves training purposes.
Research-based teaching should serve highly qualified training for research and for certain professions as well as the promotion of knowledge. In this sense universities have to protect
three teaching duties as in times before the mass university: the imparting of knowledge in the form of simple studies without great final examinations, specific vocational training in the form
of studies and specific theoretical and partly practical examinations (Masters), scientific education in form of studies and theoretical examinations and scientific work (the doctorate).
The possibility to take job-specific examinations during studies should result in a substantial reduction in the duration of training for academic professions. It is the task of the vocational high schools to offer high practical training. They serve to provide specific vocational training
in studies with examinations geared to the professions without being places of research themselves.
Other institutions of research complement the universities such as the Academy of Science. To avoid a proliferation of research institutes, the state has to establish an appropriate research concept in consultations with those concerned – if possible without direct intervention.
Universities and places of research must be founded as autonomous bodies with budgetary autonomy and the right to manage personnel.
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