31 October 2006 - Cabinda is a sad, depressing town reflecting very little investment since the 1974-75 independence struggle. The trash-plagued city has mostly paved pot-holed streets and remaining ones consist of red dirt. I saw several buildings that were bombed or set ablaze during the war. Since then, the structures remain untouched, except by squatters who live there with no electricity or running water. The Congresso Hotel is a prime example - the premier hotel of the city in its day but now a crumbling, decaying slum with burned out rooms and no glass panes in the window holes filled with laundry hanging out. We did see some investment in the form of a new university (no computers), new library (no books) and a new telephone office, but for the most part this region is neglected. Because of a quirk of 19th century history, this area is detached from the main body of Angola, which refuses to allow Cabinda independence since the region has the majority of Angola's lucrative oil.

BLOOD FOR OIL: SECESSION, SELF-DETERMINATION, AND SUPERPOWER SILENCE IN CABINDA

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Murder Rape and Theft in Cabinda

Chevron  &  MPLA

Chevron-Gulf Keeps Marxist Angola Afloat


"Now, in spite of the increasingly advantageous position of UNITA, and the imminent collapse of the illegitimate, pro-Soviet government, elements within the State Department are doing their best to salvage the (communist) MPLA, and to prevent the forces for democratic government from winning in Angola."

— Senator Steve Symms, May 14, 1985

In distant, obscure Angola, on the southwest coast of Africa, the alliance between capitalists and communists has matured into its most open blatant form. Possibly the reported export of ballbearing machines to Russia to produce bearings for Soviet missiles may leave some readers with an uneasy feeling, but also with a vague need to come to grips more concretely with the alliance. In Angola the most skeptical reader can see the alliance working on a daily basis.

Angola, a one time Portuguese colony, was "liberated" ten years ago by the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), a Marxist organization in alliance with Angolian nationalist groups. The MPLA was not elected and has never held elections. MPLA seized power and has been kept in power by 36,000 Cubans and about 1,200 Soviet military personnel. The Cubans and the Soviets are in Angola for the same reason Angolan Marxists will not allow free elections: because Marxism does not represent the people of Angola.

The United States has been inhibited from encouraging democratic, freely-elected forces by groups within the U.S. State Department and the so-called Clark Amendment (repealed in 1985), sponsored by former Senator Clark, which forbade the U.S. from assisting any group that might challenge the Angolan Marxists.

Yet the Soviets in Angola are challenged as they have never been challenged before; for the first time in 60 years a Marxist regime is in danger of overthrow by internal democratic forces. Angolan guerrillas, known as UNITA (National Union for the Total Liberation of Angola) have taken over one-third of Angola, about 250,000 square miles, and control most of the countryside, particularly in the south.

UNITA is an unusual organization. It is not American-backed. In fact, it is American corporations and the U.S. State Department that have stopped a UNITA victory. UNITA is unusual also in that it believes in free enterprise, free and secret elections, private property, and decentralization of political power. UNITA is led by Jonas Savimbi, aged 51, a ferocious-looking gentleman reminiscent of television's "Mr. T." Savimbi is a European educated black intellectual who believes in individual freedom.

Against Savimbi and UNITA we find the Soviet Union, Cuban forces, the U.S. State Department, American multinationals, and until recently, the U.S. Congress. Some years ago the Senate passed the Clark Amendment, sponsored by Senator Clark, which in effect prevented U.S. aid to this torch of freedom in southern Africa.

The muddled, confused thinking of the United States is well illustrated by a statement made by former U.S. Ambassador to United Nations Donald McHenry, to the effect that the U.S. should not be surprised that the Soviets are aiding Angolan Marxists: "That the Soviets are present to assist the Angolans and to assist the Namibians... is no different from the presence of the United States in El Salvador and U.S. assistance to E1 Salvador."

The point, of course, that McHenry avoids is that the Soviet objective, more than clearly demonstrated in the past 60 years, is a totalitarian controlled society without individual freedom.

The Soviets have indeed assisted Marxist Angola. As far back as 1981 Soviet military officers up to the rank of Colonel were killed and captured in Angola. Soviet Air Force personnel have been captured in Angola (see Now, January 16, 1981.)

The real oddity in Angola is that the single most important factor preventing a free open society is an American multinational corporation. As succinctly stated by Congressman William L. Dickinson (July 1985), "These Cuban troops are protecting American oil interests and they are preventing UNITA from overrunning the MPLA."

In northeast is the Cabinda oil complex owned by Gulf Oil Corporation (since March 1984, part of Chevron Oil of California). CABINDA PROVIDES AT LEAST 80 PERCENT OF MARXIST ANGOLA'S FOREIGN EXCHANGE. The balance comes from diamond concessions operated by Anglo-American Corporation. Soviet and Cuban assistance is paid for from these foreign exchange earnings.

When we look closely at Chevron Gulf, we find that no less than a former U.S. Secretary of Defense, David Packard, has been in a position to thwart Gulf backing for Soviet Angola — yet did nothing.

Gulf Oil Corporation owns Cabinda, and Gulf itself was taken over by Chevron in March 1984. Thus, we have two sets of directors to look at, the original Gulf Oil directors who for a decade allowed the Gulf Cabinda operation to finance Marxist Angola, and the Chevron directors who had the opportunity to change corporate policy towards subsidy of Marxist warfare.

The directors of the former Gulf Oil Corporation were:

Jerry McAfee Robert Dickey, III
H.H. Hammer Julian Goodman
R.H. Dean Sister Jane Scully
J.H. Higgins Edwin Singer
J.P. Gordon E.B. Walker, III
J.E. Lee J.M. Walton
E.I. Colodny

Of these the most vocal in support of Marxism was James E. Lee, former Chairman and Chief Executive officer of Gulf and now a director of Chevron. Lee was strong in support of Marxist Angola, even claiming to the wall Street Journal that the Neto regime was "stable" and "easy to work with." (see cartoon opposite title page.)

In March 1984 Gulf was taken over by Chevron in the largest corporate merger in U.S. history. A few Gulf directors joined the Chevron board and Chevron-Gulf continued to operate Gulf Cabinda, protected by Cuban and Soviet troops, continued to provide most of Angola's foreign exchange and with the Angolan government, planned new joint ventures to expand corporate usefulness to the unelected Marxist government. That Chevron-Gulf should be protected by Cuban troops with Soviet air cover and a Soviet air defense network doesn't seem to embarrass these Chevron directors at all, even though some are directors of major U.S. defense contractors:

Samuel H. Armacost (45), Pres., Dir. & Chief Exec. Off. of Bank of America NT&SA.

Donald L. Bower (61), Vice-Chmn. of Bd. of Co.; Dir., Crocker National Corp., Crocker National Bank.

R. Hal Dean (68), Dir., Ralston Purina Co., Gulf Corp., Mercantile Trust Co., Mercantile Bancorporation, General American Life Insurance Co., LaBarge, Inc.

Kenneth T. Derr (48), Vice-Pres. of Co.; Pres. & Chief Exec. Off., Chevron U.S.A., Inc.

Lawrence W. Funkhouser (63), Vice-Pres., Explor. and Prod., of Co.

John R. Grey (62), Pres. of Co.; Dir., Bank of American NT&SA and BankAmerica Corp.

Kenneth E. Hill (69), consultant to Blyth Eastman Paine Webber, Inc.

Carla Anderson Hills (51), partner, law firm of Latham, Watkins & Hills; Dir., International Business Machines Corp., The Signal Companies, Inc., Corning Glass Works.

George M. Keller (61), Chmn. of Bd. & Chief Exec. Off. of Co.; Dir., First Interstate Bank of Calif., First Interstate Bancorp.

Charles W. Kitto (63), Vice-Pres., Logistics and Trading, of Go.

James E. Lee (63), Vice-Chmn, of Co.; Chmn., Pres. & Chief Exec. Off., Gulf Corp. & Gulf Oil Corp., Dir., Joy Manufacturing Co., Pittsburgh National Bank, PNC Financial Corp., Gulf Canada Ltd., the American Petroleum Institute and West Penn Hospital.

W. Jones McQuinn (61), Vice-Pres., Foreign, of Co.

Charles M. Pigott (55), Pres., Dir. and Chief Exec. Off., PACCAR Inc.; Dir,. The Boeing Co.

Charles B. Renfrew (56), Vice-Pres., Legal Affairs of Co.

George H. Weyerhaeuser (58), Pres. and Dir. Weyerhaeuser Co.; Dir., The Boeing Co., SAFECO Corp.

John A. Young (52), Pres., Dir. & Chief Exec. Off., Hewlett-Packard Co., Dir., Wells Fargo Bank and SRI International.

At the same annual meeting that approved the Chevron takeover of Gulf and so lent Chevron support to Marxist Angola, a Chevron director resigned. This was David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard and a former Secretary of Defense. There is no record that Packard protested either Gulf support of Marxism or objected that Chevron should not join the band of American corporations who have aided world revolution. We doubt that Packard resigned on grounds of principle, because Packard was an Overseer of the Hoover Institution and Chairman of its Financial Committee back in the early 1970s when Hoover Institution Director W. Glenn Campbell attempted to put pressure on this author to stop publication of the earlier version of this book, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union.

Another interesting facet to this story of Soviet-multinational cooperation is in the amount of federal taxes paid by these giant firms. In 1976 Gulf had a federal tax rate of 2%. In 1984 Gulf claimed a tax refund, even while showing a profit of $313 million. Gulf 1984 tax rate was minus 8.3% (with a refund of $26 million). So in the same year that Gulf contributed most of Marxist Angola's foreign exchange and paid Angolan taxes, it demanded $26 million refund from U.S. taxpayers. If payment of taxes is a measure of patriotism, then Gulf Oil allegiance is more than clear.

Identification of the Deaf Mute Blindmen

The severity of our charges in the Chevron-Gulf case suggest that we be doubly careful in identification of the deaf mute blindmen. Not all directors of multinational corporations fit the description. Some in fact decidely do not. Not all politicians and bureaucrats fit the bill, although it is hard to find exceptions in Department of State.

Let's take a paradoxical example to demonstrate the need for care. In the Reagan Administration both Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger and Secretary of State George Schultz are former officers of Bechtel Corporation, the multinational construction firm. However, Weinberger is one of the few in Washington to understand technological transfers. George Shultz on the other hand has a long-time unchanging record in favor of continuing transfers. Yet both have been top officials within Bechtel Corporation.

While Department of State has never produced a single opponent of transfers, the Department of Commerce has — Lawrence Brady. And although Weinberger is at DoD, the same department has produced several deaf mutes from among its top officials. The previously cited David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard, is a major sponsor of Congressman Ed Zschau, a vocal active supporter of more aid to Soviet military power.

Identification has to be handled on a case by case, individual basis.

What is to be Done?

The basic solution to Chevron-Gulf and other cases is political. It will take pressure from grass roots Americans and indeed from all those who love freedom to knock sense into their elected representatives and then into successive administrations and finally into the deaf mute blind-men.

There is, however, a startpoint which is demonstrated by the Chevron-Gulf case. Department of Defense has shown realistic concern over transfers of technology and the military end-use in Soviet world ambition. Why doesn't DoD start to consider Western technology to the Soviets in the award of DoD contracts?

In brief, penalize those firms working both sides of the street. If Chase Manhattan wants to finance Soviet contracts, all well and good, but it should not also expect a piece of the U.S. Defense pie at the same time. If General Electric wants to sell to the Soviets, OK, let G.E. go ahead —within the law — but not also simultaneously benefit from DoD contracts. If Chevron-Gulf want to work hand-in-glove with Soviet military ambitions, they should not also be able to bid on U.S. government contracts and claim federal tax refunds when the firm is making substantial profit. When awarding DoD contracts, preference should be given to those U.S. and foreign firms who show enough sense to walk away from Soviet deals.
 

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Partners in Crime

CABINDA

The Holocaust of a Nation Sponsored by a company Chevron Oil Co.
Stop the Oppression in Cabinda

What can you do to stop the Cabindan Holocaust,

- Boycott Chevron Oil Stations
- Embargo to the Marxist Regime of Angola.

- Write to your Congressman, Senator, MP, MEP, MSP, MLA.

- End to the Occupation of Cabinda by the MPLA Army.

- End to the theft of the Cabindan oil by Chevron Co.

   (Chevron Organized Crime)

- Payment of all oil stolen so far by Chevron oil co $260 Billion USD.

- End to the Murder in Cabinda.

- End to the Rape of women in Cabinda.

- End of the Mercenaries in the payroll of Chevron oil co, in Cabinda.

- End of the Holocaust of the people of Cabinda.

- End to the greed of Chevron oil co. (MF, SB)

- End to the atrocities of the MPLA sponsored by Chevron oil co.

- Please help us. Tell a friend, call your congressman do some thing, they are killing us. (Chevron and the marxist MPLA)

- End to the partnership of  Fear / Murder / Rape and Theft  of Chevron & MPLA.

- If you work for Chevron you are liable for collaboration on the crimes against humanity of chevron in Cabinda, if you work for chevron you have blood in your hands.

You know who you are, and so does God....

Audio : 
The Chevron experiences in Cabinda


More than $4 billion in oil revenue missing from Angolan state

By ALEXANDRA ZAVIS
Associated Press Writer

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa (AP) -- More than $4 billion in oil revenue disappeared from Angolan state coffers between 1997 and 2002, even as the country was struggling to recover from 27 years of civil war, Human Rights Watch said in a report Tuesday.
The report comes at a time when Angola is trying to boost international support for the country. Foreign donors cite corruption as one of their key concerns.
"While ordinary Angolans suffered through a profound humanitarian crisis, their government oversaw the suspicious disappearance of a truly colossal sum of money,'' said Arvind Ganesan, director of the New York-based group's business and human rights program. "This seriously undermined Angolans' rights.''
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos' government denied any wrongdoing, claiming the missing funds could be explained by oil price fluctuations.


Angola is sub-Saharan Africa's largest oil exporter after Nigeria, producing more than 900,000 barrels per day.
During the war against the UNITA rebel group, oil revenue provided funding for the government's war effort. The fighting ended when the army tracked down and killed the insurgents' leader, Jonas Savimbi, in 2002.
Angola's plentiful oil reserves have earned the country growing attention from the United States and other Western countries as they have sought alternatives to Middle East crude.
State oil revenues surged after international companies such as BP, ExxonMobil and Total expanded their Angolan operations in the late 1990s, totaling $17.8 billion from 1997 to 2002 -- about 85 percent of government income -- according to the Human Rights Watch report.
A total of $4.22 billion of that money, representing about 9.25 percent of gross domestic product annually, is unaccounted for, according to the group's analysis of figures from the International Monetary Fund.
Meanwhile, an estimated 900,000 Angolans remain displaced, millions have almost no access to schools and hospitals, and nearly half the country's 7.4 million children suffer from malnutrition, according to U.N. figures.
Human Rights Watch said the missing funds are roughly equal to what was spent in the same period on social programs in the deeply impoverished country -- $4.27 billion, including both government expenditure and initiatives funded through the United Nation's Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeal.
The group accused the government, controlled by the same party since the country's 1975 independence from Portugal, of corruption and mismanagement.


Angola's Finance Ministry spokesman Bastos de Almeida insisted currency fluctuations were to blame for the missing funds.


The state-owned oil company Sonangol "sells oil for a certain price on a certain day, but then the operation is logged days later at the state treasury,'' he said in the Angolan capital, Luanda.
He declined to elaborate, saying the government was preparing a full response to the report.
Despite promises of more openness, the government has refused to provide information about the use of public funds, Human Rights Watch said. It has also failed to establish hundreds of courts needed to hold government officials and others accountable for their actions, it said.
"There have been many initiatives to promote transparency in Angola, but each time, the government walks away,'' Ganesan said. "It's an issue of political will.''
Human Rights Watch urged Angola's government to publish reports it commissioned with the World Bank to determine how much oil revenue is deposited into the country's central bank.
The group also called on the government to conduct audits of Sonangol and to participate in international initiatives to promote openness.
"The Angolan government says the international community should do more to fund schools, hospitals and courts, but it refuses to explain where billions of dollars of government revenue went,'' Ganesan said. "Any further aid to Angola should be conditional on very strict requirements for transparency in the government budget.''

Jan. 13, 2004


Friday March 9, 8:16 am Eastern Time

Chevron denies Cabinda oil spill responsibility

LUANDA, March 9  - U.S. Giant Oil Company Chevron has denied responsibility for an oil spill that has affected fishing near all its operations in the occupied Cabinda Republic, independent Cabinda radio reported on Friday.

"Giant Chevron investigated and said the stain near all its operation was oil and plants coming from the Congo River,'' (ya right!). Radio Eclessia reported Chevron Africa spokesman Timeteo de Almeida as saying.

Mister De Almeida told the radio the recent spill had dissipated and had not washed ashore.

There was confirmation of how big the spill was, and a local fishing commission told Radio Eclessia it had affected all local catches.

Fishermen told the commission they had been denied use of all nearby beaches by intimidating Chevron Security Services and that Chevron military helicopters with the help of american mercenaries had allegedly spread a substance on the water, the same material reportedly used on another Chevron spill in the same areas in December 1999 and July 1998.

Chevron paid 200 local fishermen affected by the 1999 spill $150 each. Another 350 fishermen have sued Chevron for damages but the case is still pending, and going no where.

Both spills were in the oppressed Nation of Cabinda, which under Angolan occupation since the portuguese left the small African protectorate in 1974.

Chevron is Angola's largest oil producer, currently pumping more than 500,000 barrels a day from fields in blocks 14 and 0 offshore Cabinda. The Nation of Cabinda as no hopes to survive they are killing the Cabindas like flies, may God judge them.
 


The business of US diplomacy in Angola

LUANDA. On 7 November, an MD-11 aircraft arrived from Houston, Texas, marking the maiden flight of the Houston Express shuttle service.
Sonair, a subsidiary of the Angolan oil company, Sonangol, struck the deal with World Airways, a US carrier which has become the first airline to provide direct air services from north America to Angola.
Sitting on board the aircraft was Paul Hare, famous for his rÿle as US special representative for the Angolan peace process (1993-1998) and author of Angola's Last Best Chance for Peace, published in 1998. Now, he is enjoying a less public position as executive director of the US/Angola chamber of commerce. Hare, like Edmund DeJarnette, the first US ambassador here and Hare's predecessor at the chamber of commerce, has played an important rÿle in getting the Houston service off the ground.
President of Sonair, Mateus Neto, says, 'I can't deny that there was a certain support. The intervention of De Jarnette was extremely  important.'
Hare and DeJarnette are among a long list of US diplomats involved in Angola who have turned their hand from diplomacy to business.
Witney Schneidman, special aide to assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Susan Rice, is, according to his official profile, 'enhancing  America's commercial and economic engagement throughout sub-Saharan Africa' among other responsibilities. Schneidman, or Dr Schneidman as he is sometimes known, was senior vice-president at Samuels International Associates Incorporated. Samuels is officially 'a consulting firm for international trade and investment', however many observers say it is a lobbying group which represents the MPLA party.
At the time of Schneidman's appointment to the state department, some congressional staffers queried his new position given his former rÿle at Samuels. 'The State department assured the staffers that Witney would not work on the Angola dossier,' a source explained recently.
Clearly that assurance is no longer is force. Schneidman makes regular trips to Angola every year. He has also received support from his former college tutor, Dr Gerald Bender, now based at the University of Southern
California.
Bender has maintained a strong interest in Angola throughout his career - he visits the country several times a year and is thought to be very close to the ruling MPLA.
He has worked as a consultant for oil companies in Angola including a brief spell this year with BP/Amoco thanks to another prominent protÿgÿ of his, Shawn McCormick, who took up his post at BP/Amoco after working at the
US national security council.
 Bender is widely admired by several embassies in Angola, including the US and Israeli offices here which, according to one observer in Luanda, 'hang on to his every word as if he were a demi-god'. He is also on the honorary  advisory council of the US-Angola chamber of commerce alongside Robert Cabelly who served as an aide to Chester Crocker. (Crocker was assistant secretary of state for African affairs for most of the 1980s..)
 Herman Cohen, another former assistant secretary of state for African affairs, has been described as 'another over-paid lobbyist for the MPLA' alongside Andrew Young, an 'historical' African American figure who once served as US ambassador to the UN. According to one diplomat, however, 'the two of them are a couple of has-beens'.
The US connection extends to Dick Cheney, the former defence minister and  also, until last July, chairman of the board and chief executive officer of Halliburton's, the oil service company with interests in Cabinda.
Cheney dropped the Halliburton position when he accepted George W. Bush 's  invitation to be his running mate.
 Not surprisingly, people became suspicious when Airscan gained the contract to provide air surveillance to Cabinda's borders: some said the facilitator was Cheney.
No wonder that the current US ambassador to Angola, Joseph Sullivan, is viewed with suspicion by some observers in Luanda. But the Americans are not  the only ones to have benefited handsomely from their Angola connections.
 John Flynn, a former British ambassador to the country (1990-93) and previously a chargÿ d'affaires for nine months in 1978 is now a consultant  to the US oil giant, Chevron.

Source: issue of "Africa Analysis"


WARNING !

The Federal Government of Cabinda has issued a Search and Capture Warrant for the following suspects, they are considered to be armed and dangerous, they are sought for Collaboration with the enemy and are there for accomplices in all raping, torture and murderers of innocent civilians in Cabinda carried out by the MPLA Army. They are so skilled in the art of corruption that they are the sole responsible for arming and financing the occupation of Cabinda by the MPLA since the beginning in 1975. They are also Charged with the account of collaborating and involvement in the Cabindan Genocide, Human rights abuse, miss appropriation of Cabindan oil, etc....

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

 

 

 

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WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

David J. O'Reilly Chairman

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $1.000.000

 

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

J. Robertson Vice Chairman

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $500.000

 

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Samuel H. Armacost, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Linnet F. Deily, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a woman, if she shall gain the whole world, and lose her own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This womanhas no scruples neither has her any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may her descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Robert E. Denham, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Robert J. Eaton, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

 

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Sam Ginn, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

 

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Franklyn G. Jenifer, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000

 

WANTED

http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=CVX

Sam Nunn, Board Member

Mark 8:36

"For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

RewarD $400.000


 

 

 

 

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Chevron-Gulf Keeps Marxist Angola Afloat

MPLA/CHEVRON TEXACO, LLP -Limited Liability Partnership a.k.a. the untouchables at large in West Africa.

"Now, in spite of the increasingly advantageous position of UNITA, and the imminent collapse of the illegitimate, pro-Soviet government, elements within the State Department are doing their best to salvage the (communist) MPLA, and to prevent the forces for democratic government from winning in Angola."

— Senator Steve Symms, May 14, 1985

In distant, obscure Angola, on the southwest coast of Africa, the alliance between capitalists and communists has matured into its most open blatant form. Possibly the reported export of ballbearing machines to Russia to produce bearings for Soviet missiles may leave some readers with an uneasy feeling, but also with a vague need to come to grips more concretely with the alliance. In Angola the most skeptical reader can see the alliance working on a daily basis.

Angola, a one time Portuguese colony, was "liberated" ten years ago by the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), a Marxist organization in alliance with Angolian nationalist groups. The MPLA was not elected and has never held elections. MPLA seized power and has been kept in power by 36,000 Cubans and about 1,200 Soviet military personnel. The Cubans and the Soviets are in Angola for the same reason Angolan Marxists will not allow free elections: because Marxism does not represent the people of Angola.

The United States has been inhibited from encouraging democratic, freely-elected forces by groups within the U.S. State Department and the so-called Clark Amendment (repealed in 1985), sponsored by former Senator Clark, which forbade the U.S. from assisting any group that might challenge the Angolan Marxists.

Yet the Soviets in Angola are challenged as they have never been challenged before; for the first time in 60 years a Marxist regime is in danger of overthrow by internal democratic forces. Angolan guerrillas, known as UNITA (National Union for the Total Liberation of Angola) have taken over one-third of Angola, about 250,000 square miles, and control most of the countryside, particularly in the south.

UNITA is an unusual organization. It is not American-backed. In fact, it is American corporations and the U.S. State Department that have stopped a UNITA victory. UNITA is unusual also in that it believes in free enterprise, free and secret elections, private property, and decentralization of political power. UNITA is led by Jonas Savimbi, aged 51, a ferocious-looking gentleman reminiscent of television's "Mr. T." Savimbi is a European educated black intellectual who believes in individual freedom.

Against Savimbi and UNITA we find the Soviet Union, Cuban forces, the U.S. State Department, American multinationals, and until recently, the U.S. Congress. Some years ago the Senate passed the Clark Amendment, sponsored by Senator Clark, which in effect prevented U.S. aid to this torch of freedom in southern Africa.

The muddled, confused thinking of the United States is well illustrated by a statement made by former U.S. Ambassador to United Nations Donald McHenry, to the effect that the U.S. should not be surprised that the Soviets are aiding Angolan Marxists: "That the Soviets are present to assist the Angolans and to assist the Namibians... is no different from the presence of the United States in El Salvador and U.S. assistance to E1 Salvador."

The point, of course, that McHenry avoids is that the Soviet objective, more than clearly demonstrated in the past 60 years, is a totalitarian controlled society without individual freedom.

The Soviets have indeed assisted Marxist Angola. As far back as 1981 Soviet military officers up to the rank of Colonel were killed and captured in Angola. Soviet Air Force personnel have been captured in Angola (see Now, January 16, 1981.)

The real oddity in Angola is that the single most important factor preventing a free open society is an American multinational corporation. As succinctly stated by Congressman William L. Dickinson (July 1985), "These Cuban troops are protecting American oil interests and they are preventing UNITA from overrunning the MPLA."

In northeast is the Cabinda oil complex owned by Gulf Oil Corporation (since March 1984, part of Chevron Oil of California). CABINDA PROVIDES AT LEAST 80 PERCENT OF MARXIST ANGOLA'S FOREIGN EXCHANGE. The balance comes from diamond concessions operated by Anglo-American Corporation. Soviet and Cuban assistance is paid for from these foreign exchange earnings.

When we look closely at Chevron Gulf, we find that no less than a former U.S. Secretary of Defense, David Packard, has been in a position to thwart Gulf backing for Soviet Angola — yet did nothing.

Gulf Oil Corporation owns Cabinda, and Gulf itself was taken over by Chevron in March 1984. Thus, we have two sets of directors to look at, the original Gulf Oil directors who for a decade allowed the Gulf Cabinda operation to finance Marxist Angola, and the Chevron directors who had the opportunity to change corporate policy towards subsidy of Marxist warfare.

The directors of the former Gulf Oil Corporation were:

Jerry McAfee Robert Dickey, III
H.H. Hammer Julian Goodman
R.H. Dean Sister Jane Scully
J.H. Higgins Edwin Singer
J.P. Gordon E.B. Walker, III
J.E. Lee J.M. Walton
E.I. Colodny

Of these the most vocal in support of Marxism was James E. Lee, former Chairman and Chief Executive officer of Gulf and now a director of Chevron. Lee was strong in support of Marxist Angola, even claiming to the wall Street Journal that the Neto regime was "stable" and "easy to work with." (see cartoon opposite title page.)

In March 1984 Gulf was taken over by Chevron in the largest corporate merger in U.S. history. A few Gulf directors joined the Chevron board and Chevron-Gulf continued to operate Gulf Cabinda, protected by Cuban and Soviet troops, continued to provide most of Angola's foreign exchange and with the Angolan government, planned new joint ventures to expand corporate usefulness to the unelected Marxist government. That Chevron-Gulf should be protected by Cuban troops with Soviet air cover and a Soviet air defense network doesn't seem to embarrass these Chevron directors at all, even though some are directors of major U.S. defense contractors:

Samuel H. Armacost (45), Pres., Dir. & Chief Exec. Off. of Bank of America NT&SA.

Donald L. Bower (61), Vice-Chmn. of Bd. of Co.; Dir., Crocker National Corp., Crocker National Bank.

R. Hal Dean (68), Dir., Ralston Purina Co., Gulf Corp., Mercantile Trust Co., Mercantile Bancorporation, General American Life Insurance Co., LaBarge, Inc.

Kenneth T. Derr (48), Vice-Pres. of Co.; Pres. & Chief Exec. Off., Chevron U.S.A., Inc.

Lawrence W. Funkhouser (63), Vice-Pres., Explor. and Prod., of Co.

John R. Grey (62), Pres. of Co.; Dir., Bank of American NT&SA and BankAmerica Corp.

Kenneth E. Hill (69), consultant to Blyth Eastman Paine Webber, Inc.

Carla Anderson Hills (51), partner, law firm of Latham, Watkins & Hills; Dir., International Business Machines Corp., The Signal Companies, Inc., Corning Glass Works.

George M. Keller (61), Chmn. of Bd. & Chief Exec. Off. of Co.; Dir., First Interstate Bank of Calif., First Interstate Bancorp.

Charles W. Kitto (63), Vice-Pres., Logistics and Trading, of Go.

James E. Lee (63), Vice-Chmn, of Co.; Chmn., Pres. & Chief Exec. Off., Gulf Corp. & Gulf Oil Corp., Dir., Joy Manufacturing Co., Pittsburgh National Bank, PNC Financial Corp., Gulf Canada Ltd., the American Petroleum Institute and West Penn Hospital.

W. Jones McQuinn (61), Vice-Pres., Foreign, of Co.

Charles M. Pigott (55), Pres., Dir. and Chief Exec. Off., PACCAR Inc.; Dir,. The Boeing Co.

Charles B. Renfrew (56), Vice-Pres., Legal Affairs of Co.

George H. Weyerhaeuser (58), Pres. and Dir. Weyerhaeuser Co.; Dir., The Boeing Co., SAFECO Corp.

John A. Young (52), Pres., Dir. & Chief Exec. Off., Hewlett-Packard Co., Dir., Wells Fargo Bank and SRI International.

At the same annual meeting that approved the Chevron takeover of Gulf and so lent Chevron support to Marxist Angola, a Chevron director resigned. This was David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard and a former Secretary of Defense. There is no record that Packard protested either Gulf support of Marxism or objected that Chevron should not join the band of American corporations who have aided world revolution. We doubt that Packard resigned on grounds of principle, because Packard was an Overseer of the Hoover Institution and Chairman of its Financial Committee back in the early 1970s when Hoover Institution Director W. Glenn Campbell attempted to put pressure on this author to stop publication of the earlier version of this book, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union.

Another interesting facet to this story of Soviet-multinational cooperation is in the amount of federal taxes paid by these giant firms. In 1976 Gulf had a federal tax rate of 2%. In 1984 Gulf claimed a tax refund, even while showing a profit of $313 million. Gulf 1984 tax rate was minus 8.3% (with a refund of $26 million). So in the same year that Gulf contributed most of Marxist Angola's foreign exchange and paid Angolan taxes, it demanded $26 million refund from U.S. taxpayers. If payment of taxes is a measure of patriotism, then Gulf Oil allegiance is more than clear.

Identification of the Deaf Mute Blindmen

The severity of our charges in the Chevron-Gulf case suggest that we be doubly careful in identification of the deaf mute blindmen. Not all directors of multinational corporations fit the description. Some in fact decidely do not. Not all politicians and bureaucrats fit the bill, although it is hard to find exceptions in Department of State.

Let's take a paradoxical example to demonstrate the need for care. In the Reagan Administration both Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger and Secretary of State George Schultz are former officers of Bechtel Corporation, the multinational construction firm. However, Weinberger is one of the few in Washington to understand technological transfers. George Shultz on the other hand has a long-time unchanging record in favor of continuing transfers. Yet both have been top officials within Bechtel Corporation.

While Department of State has never produced a single opponent of transfers, the Department of Commerce has — Lawrence Brady. And although Weinberger is at DoD, the same department has produced several deaf mutes from among its top officials. The previously cited David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard, is a major sponsor of Congressman Ed Zschau, a vocal active supporter of more aid to Soviet military power.

Identification has to be handled on a case by case, individual basis.

What is to be Done?

The basic solution to Chevron-Gulf and other cases is political. It will take pressure from grass roots Americans and indeed from all those who love freedom to knock sense into their elected representatives and then into successive administrations and finally into the deaf mute blind-men.

There is, however, a startpoint which is demonstrated by the Chevron-Gulf case. Department of Defense has shown realistic concern over transfers of technology and the military end-use in Soviet world ambition. Why doesn't DoD start to consider Western technology to the Soviets in the award of DoD contracts?

In brief, penalize those firms working both sides of the street. If Chase Manhattan wants to finance Soviet contracts, all well and good, but it should not also expect a piece of the U.S. Defense pie at the same time. If General Electric wants to sell to the Soviets, OK, let G.E. go ahead —within the law — but not also simultaneously benefit from DoD contracts. If Chevron-Gulf want to work hand-in-glove with Soviet military ambitions, they should not also be able to bid on U.S. government contracts and claim federal tax refunds when the firm is making substantial profit. When awarding DoD contracts, preference should be given to those U.S. and foreign firms who show enough sense to walk away from Soviet deals.

 

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